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Testimony of Andrzej Mirga,
Chairman, Project on Ethnic Relations Romani Advisory Council, and ...
Testimony of Andrzej Mirga,
Chairman, Project on Ethnic Relations Romani Advisory Council, and Co-Chair, Specialist Group on the Roma of the Council of Europe
THE OTHER KOSOVO DISASTER: THE PLIGHT OF THE ROMA
During a recent field trip of the Project on Ethnic Relations (PER) to Albania, Kosovo and Macedonia, I went to the Stankovec II refugee camp in Macedonia where there were nearly 3000 Roma from Kosovo. On that day, the Roma refugees started a hunger strike in the camp. One of their demands was to have free access to the media. They built a pyramid of stoves in several places in the camp and hung up a sign with the hand-made inscription "NO COMMENT?" In that action there was something tragic and, at the same time, grotesque. Tragic, because they did it in desperation, and grotesque, because no media came to report it.
On their behalf, and on behalf of many others who had no chance to make their voice heard, I am bringing their grievances, their tragic experience and their claims to share with you at this hearing. Not having a political lobby, not having an influential Romani intellectual class who could make the case for the Roma, not having a state to stand by them, the Roma are at the mercy of others. Feeling abandoned by all, unable to attract public attention to their cause and fate, foreseeing no hope for the future, these are feelings as destructive as the Roma?s war experience. Therefore, I am here to raise your awareness and concern, to lobby for subsequent action that will give the Roma of Kosovo hope and prospects for the future.
For the Roma of Kosovo, caught in the ethnic war between Serbs and Kosovo Albanians, there was no right choice to be made. Whatever choices they made were wrong. The position of the Roma reflects the dilemma of a minority that has no reason whatsoever to be involved in an open conflict but is used and forced into it by both sides. Either choice that is to be loyal to Serbs or to the Kosovo Albanians brought subsequent retaliations for the Roma. Serbs were using the Roma in Kosovo for their political objectives - to prove that Kosovo is multi-ethnic and to show that there are fewer Albanians, whereas Albanians tried to push the Roma to identify as Albanians and demanded loyalty to them and their cause.
In the context of the former Yugoslavia, the Serbs encouraged the cultural revival of the Roma in Kosovo starting in the 70s. Prizren and Pristina emerged as centers of cultural and political life of the Romani community, and some Romani activists became public and political figures. The majority of the Romani population remained however, politically unengaged. In fact it was not their alleged involvement in crimes and atrocities against ethnic Albanians, but rather the political standpoint of the Romani leaders concerning the status of Kosovo prior to the NATO attack on March 24, 1999 that contributed to the Kosovo Albanians retaliation against the Roma.
In 1989 some Roma in Belgrade demonstrated under a banner stating "We are behind you, Slobo" in support of abrogation of the autonomy of the Kosovo province. The Roma and other small Kosovar minorities like Turks, Gorani and "Egyptians" were involved in peace negotiations on the initiative of the Serbian government. The Temporary Executive Council for Kosovo and Metohija, founded by the Serbs on October 3, 1998 included a Romani Secretary for Information - Bajram Haljiti, editor of the Roma program on Radio-Television Pristina. The Draft of the Framework for Political Self-governance in Kosovo prepared by the Serbian government instantly rejected by Kosovo Albanians has been supported, among others by the Roma in a declaration signed on November 25, 1998 in Pristina. One of the signatories was Koka Ljuan, representative of the National Community of Roma in Kosovo. Mr. Koka later attended the negotiations over the status of Kosovo in Rambouillet, France as a member of the Serbian delegation. These facts contributed to the building up of an image of the Roma as loyal to the Milosevic regime, therefore, to be regarded as enemies of the Albanians. Feeling of betrayal, accusation of collaboration and of large-scale involvement in Serbs atrocities against ethnic Albanians during the NATO bombing were the result of this image.
Basic work of documentation has to be done to reach a just assessment of the extent to which the Roma were involved voluntarily in atrocities against ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. While there is evidence that some of them were involved in such actions, there is also evidence that they were forced by the Serbian military and paramilitary forces to cooperate. Being citizens of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the Roma did not have any choice in avoiding forced conscription into the army or the police forces. However, many tried to do so by simply escaping to neighboring republics or countries. I met a few men in the Stankovec II camp who bribed doctors and obtained medical certificates proving that they are unable to serve in the army. As those testimonies reveal, the Roma were used to bury the corpses of ethnic Albanians or were forced to burn and loot their property on behalf of the Serbs. With the withdrawal of the Serb forces, ethnic Albanians retaliated against the Roma. Their involvement was equated with that of the Serbs, irrespective of the fact, that the Roma were far fewer in inflicting atrocities against the Albanians, and in most cases, were forced to do so. The stand-point of the Roma on this issue is clear - those who did, or were involved in committing crimes and atrocities against Albanians of their own free will should be subjected to a fair trial and punishment. However the entire Romani community should not be held responsible and bear the stigma of collective guilt and thus be subjected to violence and expulsion.
The Kosovar Albanians retaliation against the Romani community is more a policy than the actions of vengeful neighbors. In a number of testimonies the Roma reported that those involved in committing atrocities against them were predominantly members of the KLA forces. Reported cases of killings of Romani men, rapes of Romani women, kidnapping, detention and torture confirm the same fact. Those detained by uniformed KLA members were forced by beating and torture to acknowledge what kind of atrocities they committed against the ethnic Albanians, whom they killed, whose houses they looted or burned. They were forced to confess that they took part in the ethnic cleansing of Serbs during the war, that they were part of Serbian forces and police units and even to provide the names of other Roma who took part in such actions. In several cases the detained Roma were questioned about the Romani political leaders, especially Mr Koka Luljan. Eventually they were liberated but also warned not to report to KFOR forces. Finally they were told that they should leave Kosovo.
That conduct aims at raising fear among the Roma to such a level, that they will see no alternative but to leave. Setting Romani houses on fire, looting or expelling the Roma involves groups of young men motivated as much by vengeful feelings against the collaborators as by KLA extreme nationalists' instigation to force out those minorities who politically sided with the Serbs. This policy seems to work. In November 1999, the United Nations' special representative on human rights in the former Yugoslavia, Mr. Jiri Dienstbier reported that " the spring ethnic cleansing of ethnic Albanians accompanied by murders, torture, looting and burning of houses has been replaced by the fall ethnic cleansing of Serbs, Roma, Bosniaks and other non-Albanians accompanied by the same atrocities" (New York Times, Monday, November 22, 1999).
Contrary to the widespread belief that the Romani community began to flee Kosovo just after the NATO bombing halted and the ethnic Albanians returned in large numbers and therefore, they remained and sided with thy Serbs, the evidence below proves otherwise. They fled Kosovo following the escalation of clashes in early June of 1998. As early as June 12, they were reported in central Serbia (ten families from Drenica and Decani), and in Novi Sad - at least 1,500. In Montenegro the local Red Cross organization reported 2,142 Romani refugees on July 21, 1998. In mid-August, in Podgorica there were around 1,700 Roma IDPs in the Romani neighborhoods of Konik and Rybnicka Vela. It can be estimated that at least some 6,000 Roma left Kosovo prior to March 24, 1999. The major influx of Romani refugees into Serbia proper occurred in late March and early April of 1999, that is the first phase of the NATO bombing campaign and by the end of april there were already around 20,000 Romani IDPs. In April, around 2,500 Roma were reported in Skopje, Macedonia. In the Republic of Montenegro, by June 1, 1999 - 7,800 Romani refugees were officially registered as IDPs. Some larger groups of Romani refugees appeared also in Banja Luka and Mostar (Bosnia) in April 1999. The early wave of Kosovo refugees to Albania included also 860 Roma.
The Romani community in Kosovo has been estimated up to 150,000 before the conflict erupted. According to current estimates there are up to 30,000 Roma left in Kosovo. From this figure those who are internally displaced are in a majority. Significantly, many of the Roma contest being categorized as being anything other than ethnic Albanian. A survival strategy for others is to claim an "Egyptian" or "Ashkaelia" identity, however, for ethnic Albanians they remain Maxhupet, that is - Gypsies. Both groups are Albanian speaking and of Islamic faith. Among those who remain in Kosovo the Ashkaelia are dominant. At the moment their survival depends on the protection of the KFOR forces. The Romani refugees and IDPs are located mainly in Serbia proper, at least 20,000; in Montenegro - up to 10,000; in Macedonia - at least 6,000 (in the Stankovec II camp alone there are around 3,000); Italy - several thousands. These data are far from complete. Out of fear of persecution many Romani refugees pass themselves off as Albanians and don't want to reveal their identity. Some did not register their status as displaced persons or refugees and stay among the Romani families, as for example in Serbia proper. How many of them reached Western countries is unknown, however, many of those who tried were unsuccessful since they were holding passports from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and they were refused entry visas.
What is the future for the Romani minority in and outside of Kosovo? To answer it first we have to know - what kind of Kosovo will there be in the future? Building a multi-ethnic society in Kosovo seems to be difficult and a long-term process. Taking into consideration the level of societal hatred, ethnic resentments, and attempts to cleanse out minorities by ethnic Albanians, one can wonder if it is possible at all. Bosnia serves here as an example; a multi-ethnic society seems non-existent on the ground and its prospect remains undetermined. "Cantonization" or the partition of Kosovo is excluded by the international institutions at this time. The ethnic Albanians aim at having their own nation-state so they will do everything to accomplish that goal. In such a Kosovo overtaken and run by extreme nationalism, the remaining Romani communities will be forced to hide their identity and to prove their loyalty to the Albanian cause. Those unwilling to do so will be threatened, expelled or persecuted. Since the majority of them are displaced and their houses and property burned out, destroyed or taken by Albanians, their reintegration in the original communities will be extremely difficult. The extent of the problems to be solved reveals, for example, the case Kosovska Mitrovica: out of 7,000 to 10,000 Roma, some 200 remained and, the entire settlement is burned out.
The most devastating effect on minds and feelings of those belonging to minorities is the fact that the same atrocities which were associated with Serbs during the conflict are taking place now in the presence of international forces. Much effort and real commitment is needed to improve the situation there to change these feelings. Until civil society, rule of law, and moderation are achieved it is hard to believe that these minorities will feel secure. Even then however, without real investment in reconstruction that would animate the local economy and provide jobs, not much would change. To be in camps as displaced with limited freedom of movement, with no access to basic services like schooling, health, work, to be condemned to live on humanitarian aid is a devastating experience that can not be prolonged forever. Most of the Romani community that remains in Kosovo faces such a reality.
If the multiethnic society in Kosovo is the only prospect to be defended and accepted by the international institutions, then, the Romani community and other minorities should be encouraged to remain there. Much more concerted action, however, and pressure on ethnic Albanian leadership should be exerted to promote tolerance and peaceful coexistence rather than resting with or accepting its "politically correct" statements. The moderate forces within ethnic Albanian leadership should be strengthened and encouraged. At the same time, the impact of its extreme nationalists should be limited. Particular attention should be paid to forthcoming local elections; to enable those displaced to vote, to create an environment for participation of minorities and to counter the danger of ethnic violence that can evolve during the elections.
It seems unlikely that the Romani refugees and IDPs who are outside Kosovo province will voluntarily seek to return back soon. First, they have nothing to return to. Second, out of fear of persecution they would prefer to stay somewhere else, including even Serbia proper if the possibility for receiving asylum in the West will be closed. Third, they do not see any conditions for a safe and decent life in Kosovo. Those remaining in Montenegro and Macedonia as IDPs or refugees strongly object to the prospect of being returned back to Kosovo out of a reasonable fear of persecution. Therefore, the international community should consider the possibility of their integration into those societies supposing that substantial financial support for such solution would follow. Otherwise, the possibility of their resettlement in the West or providing them with temporary refugee status, as it was during the Bosnian war, should be considered. For the largest group of Romani IDPs that stay in Serbia proper and who live there under precarious conditions the necessity of humanitarian aid reaching them should be examined.
Todays evening TV news of the TV Markiza brought news about brutally beating of the 2 Roma from the city Michalovce. Mr. Jan Ondo and Mr. Michal Badzo were asked by police to explaine several things on the police station. Roma wanted to come to police station in city Michalovce. Slovakian special police commando brutally beated those Roma before the building of the police station . They took Roma to the police room, where they continued in strong and brutall beating . Roma are in the hospital with the very hard injuries. TV Markiza showed very hard injuries which police done to Roma. Roma said for the television that they wanted normally declare about the case. But police continued in the terror. Police made to Roma fractures of the legs, hands and the ribs. They have a lot of small injuries and now they are on special first aid hospital unit.Roma said for the television that they are innocent and they said also it for the police special commando. They asked commando to not beat them brutally. But the police continued. One Roma asked for the water and the police commando gave head of this Roma to the dirthy bucket. Police strongly said rasistic words to the Roma . Roma have a lot of the injuries. Doctors said that they will be in the hospital around the 4 months. Reporter of the TV Markiza asked police for the explanation. Police just said it is a normal legal standard threating with the criminals like are those Roma.After another question to police speaker TV Markiza found that police said " it was error, mistake of the special commando". The police just said sorry to Roma and that is all. But the Roma are in the hospital with the hard injuries and they are looking for the compensation for the hard injuries. Police don twant to heard nothing about it. Roma are claiming that it is a nice example how police is examine their brutality on the the most discriminated group such are the Roma.
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